Since 1995, Virginia
has used sentencing guidelines as a way to influence judges’
sentencing in felony convictions. The felony sentencing guidelines
were part of a general reform in sentencing in Virginia known overall
as “Truth in Sentencing” and were done as a way of leveling
sentences so that they would be consistent between judges and
localities. They’re non-binding, but a judge has to write an
explanation on the guidelines form if she goes below or above the
guidelines range. When the judge goes back before the General
Assembly she can be called upon to explain why she’s been deviating
so much from the guidelines. And those people decide whether she
keeps her job.
Then, a few years
back the Sentencing Guideline Commission promulgated guidelines for revocations in probation violations for “technical violations.”
My impression was at the time, and still is, that these guidelines
were met with a lot of skepticism. They were not perceived as
something that was needed; they were an unneeded solution in search
of a non-problem. The mere fact that they called anything except new
convictions “technical violations” showed a bias in their point
of view. Unlike the felony sentencing guidelines, which came about as
part of a sweeping change in sentencing policy and the philosophy
behind sentencing, probation violation sentencing guidelines were
seen by the cynical (and let’s face it, most of us are pretty darn
cynical) as more of a fiscal matter put in place to limit the amount
of time that a defendant gets sent back to prison and the
Commonwealth has to pay for. Worst of all, probation violation
sentencing guidelines face a fairly strong argument that they are an
unconstitutional infringement of the General Assembly upon the
demesne of the courts.
The last argument
would go something like this: The Virginia Constitution states that
the executive, legislative, and judicial departments are “separate
and distinct, so that none exercise the powers properly belonging to
the other.” Va. Const. Art. III Sec. 1. Without a doubt, the
General Assembly can control the limits within which a trial judge
can sentence a newly convicted defendant. The General Assembly could
mandate exact sentences for the newly convicted. Thus, non-mandatory
felony sentencing guidelines are well within the purview of the
General Assembly because mandatory ones would be.
However, once the
person is convicted his suspended sentence is under the supervision
of the trial court. His first line supervisor, the probation officer,
may be an employee of the executive branch (Probation is an office of
the Department of Corrections), but all probation violations
basically boil down to violations of “good behavior” and only a
judge can make the final determination that such a violation has
occurred. Once the judge has determined that the probationer is in
violation of the requirement that he be of good behavior it is solely
within the purview of the court to determine how much of the
probationer’s previously suspended time should be imposed. Any
intervention in that exercise of the trial court’s sole discretion
by the General Assembly is an “exercise of the powers properly
belonging to the other” and a direct violation of the Constitution
of Virginia. In fact, the strongest argument that it isn’t
unconstitutional is that the probation violation guidelines are not
mandatory and that’s a pretty weak argument if it can be shown that
the probation violation guidelines are followed. This leads us to one
question: are they followed?
It doesn’t appear
that they are.
This chart shows that the guidelines are consistent with the amount of time imposed about half the time. I’d say they were followed, except I think many courts may operate the way that I’ve seen the ones I practice in operate. The probation violation guidelines are ignored. The prosecutor and defense attorney negotiate a recommendation for the court without even looking at them. The only time I usually see them mentioned is when the defense attorney uses them as a weapon to try to pry a lower sentence out of the prosecutor or the judge and on the odd occasion when the judge thinks the deal being recommended is much too lenient and references them to ask why the recommendation is so low that it’s even below the probation violation guidelines.
But, you say, Ken
that’s just your courthouses. Surely that is not replicated in the
rest of Virginia.
*ahem* This chart shows that at some level most of Virginia is
ignoring the probation violation guidelines. The only group of people
who even have a bare majority that believe these guidelines are
useful are the probation officers at about 54%. The order then
descends as follows: private attorneys at 38%, judges at 36%,
prosecutors at 21%, and public defenders at 20%. It’s also telling
that 49% of judges find them specifically unhelpful as well as 68% of
public defenders and 72% of prosecutors. The people on both sides of
the bench who only do criminal law as well as the judge sitting on
the bench who makes determinations as to what to do with probation
violations all basically find probation violation guidelines useless.
This renders any constitutional question moot.
Probation violation guidelines should be scrapped. They won’t be.
I’m sure we all realize that once laws of this sort are on the
books they stay there and once a bureaucracy develops this sort of
paperwork it stays around forever. Sure, it’ll be subject to
reforms every so often. Every time will be the one that “finally”
fixes it and the beast will keep shambling along. Eventually it may
even win the day thru the sheer momentum of bureaucracy. That doesn’t
mean it’s a good system; it just means that it stays around so long
that eventually people give up or don’t know any better. After
all, we all know the most powerful argument in a courthouse isn’t
case law or the statutes – it’s “that’s the way we’ve
always done it.”
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